Russia has in the last 12 years changed almost unrecognisably from that grim, despairing place following the fall of communism. The turning point was, in many respects, when Vladimir Putin took over from the vodka-sozzled rule of Boris Yeltsin. Yet 12 years on it’s clear now that Putin is the natural successor, not to Boris Yeltsin, but to Leonid Brezhnev. In many ways it is like other westernised societies in its big cities and the lifestyles of their inhabitants, but in other ways Russia appears to be going back to its cold war past.
Inwardly state brutality is now employed as the response to those who do not do its bidding or who criticise its ways, as seen early on with the murder of journalist Anya Politkovskaya. Its rule of law is used by the State to crack down on its opponents in any shape or form as with the utterly pointless and heartless imprisonment of 3 harmless members of punk rock outfit Pussy Riot. The intimidation of businessmen and the targeting of opposition politicians like Yevgenia Chinikova and Alexie Navalny, illustrates that Putin’s Russia is increasingly a place of political intolerance.
Laws have been passed aimed at curtailing freedoms and preventing the free exchange of ideas not in synchrony with the state’s own desired version of the world.. Corruption is rampant and foreign enterprises are increasingly reluctant to invest in or relocate to Russia, as BP is finding out to its peril.
Then there are its vast security apparatus. The KGB was always a chilling embodiment of the dark security state. It would be wrong to say it is now back for it never really went away; it’s just emerging from the shadows with a changed acronym – the FSB. Like the KGB before it, and the NKVD, OCPU, GPU and Cheka before that, the FSB is increasingly the hammer used by Putin’s state to beat, smear and intimidate its opponents into submission.
The FSB’s lineage is long and sinister; stretching back to Lenin and his director of secret police, “Iron” Felix Dzerzhinsky, his notorious remark “We represent in ourselves organized terror” embodied Communism’s legalized murder of untold millions of its citizens. Whilst it would be wrong to equate modern Russia as currently being organised and run through a comparable level of state terror, its direction of travel over the past few years is not towards a more tolerant and open society, but instead back towards where this past lies.
Externally too, Russia under Putin, is steadily becoming more intransigent and bitter. Its invasion of tiny Georgia bore all the hallmarks of a crass, bullying and arrogant regional power. It’s blocking of any moves to deal with the situation in Syria verges on political perversion. It is as if there is no limit to the cost in blood it will see others pay if it means snubbing the West or holding on to its naval facilities in that ruined country.
Like all politicians, Putin plays to his home gallery. Although suspicions are that he rigged the last election, it is one he would still have won, relying upon a vast non-urban vote which sees him as having brought, with some legitimacy, stability and a measure of prosperity to their vast country. Yet, not unlike a paranoid dictator, nothing can be left to chance, the outcome to the game of democracy must be guaranteed beforehand.
When Putin came to power in 2000 there was a sense of optimism; here was a man to lead Russia into the modern age out of the chaos of the post-communist era. To an extent this has been done by the ruthless exploitation of Russia’s vast natural resources. Yet there has been minimal investment in the modern technological and industrial infrastructure to support a long term economy. Perhaps this is not something to worry about today. Tomorrow, though, will come.
But Putin has other plans. With his KGB background Putin has more in common with the old USSR. For him, democracy is at best a tool to legitimise the exercise of central power, at worst a frustrating threat to the ruler’s prerogative to do as he pleases for as long as he likes. Putin’s problem though, is that now too many Russians are part of the modern world, especially those in its cities, and scorned as liberals and elitists. Russia’s urbanised citizens are increasingly part of a new, challenging world the state cannot control, cannot banish by decree and does not appear to understand.
Earlier this month tens of thousands demonstrated against the Government on the streets of Moscow. They are part of the wave of the future that threatens to wash away the huge, crumbling dam wall of state control. Yet unlike the demonstrations elsewhere in Europe, where angry mobs vent their fury at the austerity they knew was coming and which has been introduced by the Governments they voted into power, the demonstrators on Russia’s streets require real, true courage. They do not have legions of lawyers and barricades of human rights legislation to ensure their safety. Russia’s demonstrators show their resolve in the face of a state machine that cares not for their rights or well-being; their only shield being their access, still in place, to social media, the internet and the world's savage media spotlight of which even Putin must for now remain as least slightly wary.
Russia’s history of the last 100 years is unique in terms of the terrors visited upon them by their rulers. It is now at a cross roads. Putin would drag them back towards the past. Those on its streets are engaged in a brave and high risk attempt to stop him from doing so…………….